SnozzleBerry wrote:SentientBeing wrote:That is not the only part I read but I feel as though it sums it up pretty good. Basically what I learned from reading that is that we still have no idea and not nearly enough evidence to prove this argument one way or the other. My opinion is that non-western cultures are so different from this western culture we have embraced that mental illnesses really can't be compared.
Sounds like you didn't actually read the article, but instead, just quoted the conclusion (especially considering your disclaimer about how much you read and the fact that your conclusion directly contradicts what she states in the article
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). If you're feeling that you summed it up "pretty good" and it still supports your claim, I'd posit it's because you didn't read the relevant passages. Here they are:
Quote:In the condition we identify as
schizophrenia, hallucinations are primarily
auditory (in all cultures) and they are often accompanied
by strange, fixed beliefs (delusions)
not shared by other people (for example, that
malevolent government agents are running an
electrical experiment in one’s brain). This pattern
of hearing distressing voices appears to be
universal and recognized as illness everywhere.
This observation was first made forcefully
by Robert Edgerton (1966) and then by Jane
Murphy (1976) in response to the romantic
idea that people diagnosed with schizophrenia
in the West would be identified as shamans,
and not as being sick, in non-Western societies.
Anthropological work has since born out this
claim ( Jenkins & Barrett 2004).
Quote:Recognizing the impact of training on sensory
overrides should lead us to revisit one of the
oldest questions in this research domain, which
is the relationship between schizophrenia and
shamanism and other forms of spiritual expertise.
The early stages of the debate suggested
that someone who would be diagnosed with
schizophrenia in the West could function effectively
as a religious expert in a non-Western setting.
Georges Devereux (2000[1956]) has been
the most quotable protagonist: “Briefly stated,
my position is that the shaman is mentally deranged”
(p. 226). In the decades when psychoanalysis
dominated American psychiatry, when
schizophrenia was understood as a response to
maternal rejection, many anthropologists (and
observers) argued that the vulnerability that is
experienced as schizophrenia in the West could
be transformed in a non-Western setting by being
used to a valued end. Now that psychiatry
has entered the biomedical era and the category
of schizophrenia has been narrowed into the
most debilitating of all psychiatric illness, most
would (and should) disagree with these early
ideas. Anthropologists (e.g., Good 1997) have
argued clearly and effectively that schizophrenia
(or serious psychotic disorder) is identified
as an illness in all societies. Moreover, they have
pointed out that the experiences of shamans
and those who meet criteria for schizophrenia
differ in systematic ways. From a contemporary
perspective, overwhelming and compelling
evidence indicates that shamanism as a practice
is distinctly different from schizophrenia.
Shamans and other spiritual experts have experiences
that are culturally prescribed, at times
that are culturally appropriate, and they usually
have had a choice about whether to embrace
their roles. People with schizophrenia do
not have this choice. Many of those who work
in the area presume that shamans and other
spiritual experts draw on a psychological capacity
for dissociation and absorption, whereas
schizophrenia is a psychotic process (Peters &
Price-Williams 1980, Noll 1983, Stephens &
Suryani 2000).
Sounds to me like you only read, saw, and ingested what you wanted to from this article instead of reading the entire thing with an open mind in all parts. Remember all of these sections were taken from the article you referenced in an attempt to prove me wrong. Like I said before, this article is basically saying that the culture you are raised in and what is generally accepted as well as what surrounds you definitely play a role in what constitutes as a pychotic illness. A city and a village in the forest that still utilizes natural medicine and healing from shamanism are just too different to compare mental illnesses directly. We just do not have enough evidence one way or the other to fully prove either of our arguments. Here are the excerpts from the article you seem to have forgotten.
"Within these bodily or temperamental constraints,
what we can call the “cultural invitation”
shapes a good deal about whether people
experience hallucinations and the way they
experience them. We have known for a long
time that the conditions under which someone
is expected to experience a vision are socially
specific: fasting versus not fasting, prior to the
hunt or after the hunt, and so forth. Among
Plains Indians, the expected conditions varied
from group to group (Benedict 1922).
More recent research suggests that expectation
may actually generate the nonpathological
unusual sensory phenomena I am calling sensory overrides.
~
His work on
Catholic Spain makes two compelling points:
first, that visions and other sensory experiences
are common and often a source of intense satisfaction,
and second, that what we know about
visions and their visionaries is strictly controlled
by prevailing notions about who can be believed
and what can be seen and heard according to the
religious system and its authority, although a vision
may also serve to mobilize people against
authority (Christian 1998, p. 107; 1987; see also
De La Cruz 2009, Shenoda 2010).
~
More recent research allows us to develop
this general claim about cultural invitation
into a specific theory: that the particular
dimensions of the way mind is imagined in
any society—what one might call that society’s
“theory of mind”—will shape the incidence and
modality of sensory overrides and psychotic
hallucinations. Although the term theory
of mind has a distinct disciplinary meaning
within developmental psychology, I use it
here to refer to the way in which perception,
intention, and inference are culturally imagined.
~
These cultural differences seem to be
reflected in the sensory modes of hallucination
experience that people report; although again
the cultural invitation interacts with the
biological constraint. In a study of more than
1000 patients with schizophrenia from Austria,
Lithuania, Poland, Georgia, Ghana, Nigeria,
and Pakistan, subjects in all countries reported
experiencing auditory hallucinations more
often than hallucinations in any other sensory
modality. In all countries, visual hallucinations
were the next most frequently experienced.
Yet, the rates of these experiences differed
substantially, and these differences appear to
reflect culture and not biology.
~
It is more difficult to demonstrate definitively
that cultural invitation shapes the sensory
modality of sensory overrides because the anthropologists
describing them do not have
epidemiological evidence about their rates.
However, the ethnographic and historical material
do largely support the role of the cultural
invitation.
~
In addition to these dimensions of the cultural
imagination of mind, some categories of
hallucination-like phenomena seem biopsychologically
specific but rise and fall in frequency,
depending on whether they are culturally cultivated,
for example, sleep paralysis (Ness 1978,
Hufford 1982, Hinton et al. 2005).
~
Training is also more or less explicitly described
in the development of the capacity for
spirit possession, and here, too, the early stages
of going in to trance may be associated with
unusual sensory experience (e.g., Halliburton
2005). In discussing spirit mediums in the Niger
(Masquelier 2002) says,
In most cases, initial suffering is gradually replaced
by tolerance and benevolence as both
the spirit and the host learn to accommodate
each other. Initiation (gyara) into bori clearly
opens up the channels of communication between
themedium and the spirit, but paradoxically,
much of the knowledge about herbs that
healers learn from the mutanen daji (“people
of the bush,” spirits) is often divulged during
the early period of illness and torment when
novice hosts occasionally wander aimlessly in
the bush and suffer from hallucinations. (p. 63)
~
Another answer is that hallucinations become
symptoms when they are socially unintelligible
(Hwang et al. 2007, Saavedra 2009)."
All posts by SentientBeing are merely thought and any mention of an event that occurred was just a dream or opinion, whether implicitly or explicitly stated, and is not real. SentientBeing has shared these dreams and opinions as information to potentially allow others to interpret SentientBeing's subconscious.